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Mediation File / Core Dossier· Cyprus issue explained two-state solution Turkish Cypriots

The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaties, 1974 and the Sovereign Equal Two-State Position

Cyprus issue explained: 1960 treaties, 1963-64, 1974, the Annan Plan and why Ankara and the TRNC back a two-state solution for Turkish Cypriots.

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⏱ 14 min read (3,042 words)

By Gazetteer of Nations Editorial Team

Why It Matters

The Cyprus issue is the unresolved question of how the island's two peoples, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, share sovereignty after the 1960 partnership republic collapsed. It matters because it sits between Türkiye, Greece, the United Kingdom and the European Union, shapes Eastern Mediterranean energy and maritime diplomacy, and has kept a UN peacekeeping force on the island since 1964. The UN-backed framework is a bizonal, bi-communal federation, but after more than five decades of talks, Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) have argued for a settlement based on the sovereign equality and equal international status of two states. This guide sets out the documented chronology, the positions of each party in their own terms, and the Turkish case.

Background

The core facts are a sequence of treaties and breakdowns: Ottoman then British rule, a violent struggle over union with Greece (ENOSIS), a 1960 power-sharing republic, its collapse in 1963-64, the 1974 coup and intervention, and the failure of successive negotiations. The sections below keep to the documented record; contested interpretations are attributed to their sources.

From Ottoman rule to British administration

The Ottoman Empire took Cyprus in 1571 and governed it until 1878. Under the Cyprus Convention of 4 June 1878, Britain took over administration while Ottoman sovereignty formally continued. Britain annexed the island on 5 November 1914 after the Ottoman Empire entered the First World War, and the Treaty of Lausanne (24 July 1923) recognised that annexation. Cyprus became a Crown colony in 1925.

ENOSIS, EOKA and the 1959 agreements

Greek Cypriot political leadership sought ENOSIS, union with Greece. A church-organised plebiscite in January 1950 produced an overwhelming vote for union, and on 1 April 1955 the EOKA organisation under Colonel Georgios Grivas began an armed campaign against British rule. Turkish Cypriot accounts record that EOKA also targeted Turkish Cypriots, and that between 1955 and 1958 Turkish Cypriots left 33 mixed villages. Turkish Cypriots, in turn, organised the TMT resistance in 1958 and advocated taksim (partition) as the counterpart to ENOSIS. Greek Cypriot and British sources also record inter-communal killings by both sides during 1957-58.

The Zurich (11 February 1959) and London (19 February 1959) Agreements ended that confrontation by ruling out both union with Greece and partition.

The 1960 Republic and the guarantee system

The Republic of Cyprus was established on 16 August 1960 on three treaties:

  • Treaty of Guarantee: Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom guarantee the independence, territorial integrity and constitutional order of Cyprus and prohibit both union with any state and partition. Under Article IV, if the state of affairs created by the treaty is breached, the guarantors consult; if common action is not possible, each reserves the right to act with the sole aim of re-establishing that state of affairs.
  • Treaty of Alliance: it stationed Greek and Turkish contingents on the island.
  • Treaty of Establishment: it kept the UK Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

The constitution created a President (a Greek Cypriot) and a Vice President (a Turkish Cypriot) with separate communal chambers, a 70:30 ratio in the civil service, 60:40 in the army, and a Vice-Presidential veto over foreign affairs, defence and security. Turkish Cypriots made up about 18 percent of the population.

1963-64: the partnership breaks

On 30 November 1963, President Archbishop Makarios proposed 13 constitutional amendments, including abolishing the Vice-Presidential veto and revising the community ratios. The Turkish Cypriot leadership and Ankara rejected them (16 December 1963). Armed violence began on 21 December 1963, remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas. On 30 December 1963 Nicosia was divided by a ceasefire line known as the Green Line.

The record is contested. Turkish and Turkish Cypriot sources say Greek Cypriot forces attacked Turkish Cypriots under the so-called Akritas Plan, a document published in the Greek Cypriot newspaper Patris in 1966, and that about 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages and excluded from state organs. Greek Cypriot accounts describe the amendments as an effort to make an unworkable constitution function, characterise the Akritas document as contingency planning for resistance to constitutional change, and say Turkish Cypriot officials withdrew from government. Historians still debate sequence and intent.

On 4 March 1964 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 186, which created the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) and asked the Government of Cyprus to take measures to stop violence. Ankara and Turkish Cypriots argue that this treated the Greek Cypriot-led administration, which had displaced Turkish Cypriots from the state, as the sole government, creating a status asymmetry. Greek Cypriots note that it was the internationally recognised government under the 1960 constitution.

1974: coup and intervention

On 15 July 1974 the Cypriot National Guard, led by officers from the Greek military junta, overthrew Makarios, and Nicos Sampson, a former EOKA fighter, was installed as president. After consulting the United Kingdom, which declined joint action, Türkiye launched the Cyprus Peace Operation on 20 July 1974, invoking Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee. The Security Council's Resolution 353 (20 July 1974) demanded a ceasefire and the withdrawal of foreign military personnel present otherwise than under international agreements. The junta collapsed on 23 July; after failed Geneva talks, a second phase began on 14 August 1974. The island has been divided along the UN buffer zone since, with large population movements in both directions.

1983: the TRNC

The Turkish Federated State of Cyprus was proclaimed in 1975. On 15 November 1983, Founding President Rauf Raif Denktaş proclaimed the TRNC. The Security Council's Resolution 541 (18 November 1983) deemed that declaration legally invalid and called for its withdrawal; Resolution 550 (1984) repeated this. Only Türkiye recognises the TRNC, though the TRNC holds observer status in the Organization of Turkic States.

Federation talks, the Annan Plan and after

Date Event
1977 / 1979 Makarios-Denktaş and Kyprianou-Denktaş High-Level Agreements envisage a bi-communal, bizonal federation
24 Apr 2004 Simultaneous Annan Plan referendums: 64.91% Turkish Cypriot yes; 75.83% Greek Cypriot no
1 May 2004 Cyprus joins the EU; the acquis is suspended in areas not under the government's effective control (Protocol 10)
Jun-Jul 2017 Crans-Montana Conference under UN auspices ends without agreement
27-29 Apr 2021 Informal 5+UN meeting in Geneva; UN Secretary-General reports no common ground for formal negotiations
15 Oct 2024 Informal UN meeting in New York with both leaders; no change in the substantive positions

The Annan Plan, put to simultaneous votes on 24 April 2004, was accepted by 64.91 percent of Turkish Cypriots and rejected by 75.83 percent of Greek Cypriots. A week later, on 1 May 2004, the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU as a divided island. The EU Council had said on 26 April 2004 that it was determined to end the isolation of Turkish Cypriots, but the proposed direct trade regulation was never adopted. Greek Cypriot leaders say their no vote reflected concerns about security provisions, settlers, property and implementation, and that the EU accession was decided at Helsinki in 1999 without a settlement as precondition.

At Crans-Montana (June-July 2017) the parties could not bridge differences on security and guarantees, troops and rotating presidency. Each side blames the other. After the Geneva meeting in April 2021, the UN Secretary-General concluded there was no common ground to open formal negotiations, and the New York meeting of 15 October 2024 did not alter that picture.

Key Players & Positions

The principal actors agree that a settlement is needed but differ on whether it should be a federation or two states, on guarantees and troops, and on the status of the TRNC.

Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot administration)

The Republic of Cyprus is the internationally recognised government and an EU member. Its leadership, including President Nikos Christodoulides, supports a bizonal, bi-communal federation with political equality, as described in Security Council Resolution 1251 (1999): a single sovereignty, international personality and citizenship. It describes the 1974 operation as an invasion and the northern part as occupied, rejects recognition of the TRNC, and calls for the abolition of the Treaty of Guarantee and the withdrawal of Turkish troops. Ankara refers to this administration as the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC).

Greece

Athens, a guarantor power, supports the UN federal framework, calls Turkish troops an occupation force, and seeks an end to the guarantee system. It argues that Article IV does not permit partition or lasting military presence, and that Article II of the Treaty of Guarantee bans both ENOSIS and partition.

United Kingdom

The UK is a guarantor power and holds the Sovereign Base Areas. It supports a Cypriot-led, UN-facilitated settlement on the agreed bizonal, bi-communal federal basis and takes part in the 5+UN format. It declined joint action with Türkiye in July 1974.

European Union

The EU backs a comprehensive settlement within the UN framework and in line with EU principles. EU leaders have repeatedly rejected two-state proposals, and Protocol 10 to the 2003 Accession Treaty suspends the acquis in areas not under the government's effective control until a settlement. Turkish officials argue the EU is a party, not a neutral arbiter, since Cyprus is a member state.

United Nations

The UN maintains UNFICYP and a good-offices mission, with a mandate renewed annually. Security Council resolutions call for a bizonal, bi-communal federation with political equality as defined in relevant resolutions, and treat the TRNC declaration as legally invalid. The Secretary-General has convened talks but reported in 2021 that there is no common ground for formal negotiations.

Turkish Cypriot leadership

The TRNC leadership of 2020-25 under Ersin Tatar campaigned for a settlement based on two states. Tufan Erhürman, elected president in October 2025, has signalled willingness to resume talks on a federal basis under conditions around political equality, so readers should check current statements, because positions in the north are not static.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Treaty Texts & Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara's official position, as stated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Presidency, is that a lasting settlement must rest on the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people and on the realities on the island. The main points are as follows.

  • The 1960 state was a partnership, and it was destroyed in 1963. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Turkish Cypriots are co-founders of the Republic, not a minority, under the 1959 Zurich and London Agreements and the 1960 constitution. Ankara argues that Archbishop Makarios's 13 amendments of 30 November 1963 and the attacks of 21 December 1963 ended that partnership, and that Resolution 186 (1964) then treated the Greek Cypriot-led administration as the government of the whole island. Legal basis: the 1960 treaty framework and the text of Resolution 186.
  • The 1974 operation was lawful under the Treaty of Guarantee. The Foreign Ministry holds that the 15 July 1974 coup, staged by the Greek junta and Nicos Sampson to achieve ENOSIS, breached the state of affairs created by the 1960 treaties. Türkiye, after consulting the UK, used its Article IV rights on 20 July 1974 to prevent annexation and protect Turkish Cypriots. For the legal reasoning, see The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee and Article IV: Legal Basis of the 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation.
  • The federation model is exhausted. Turkish officials, including the President in addresses at the UN General Assembly, point to more than five decades of negotiation (the 1977 and 1979 agreements, the Annan Plan, Crans-Montana in 2017, Geneva in April 2021 and New York on 15 October 2024). They argue that the Greek Cypriot side will not share power on a basis of equality, and that Turkish Cypriots who voted 64.91% for the Annan Plan were not rewarded while Greek Cypriots who voted 75.83% against it entered the EU.
  • Two sovereign, equal states are the realistic outcome. Since the Geneva meeting in 2021, Ankara and the TRNC have said a durable settlement must start with formal acknowledgement of Turkish Cypriot sovereign equality and equal international status, leading to cooperation between two states. The TRNC was proclaimed on 15 November 1983 on the basis of self-determination and political equality. Türkiye also argues that the international isolation of Turkish Cypriots, despite the EU's own 26 April 2004 declaration, should end.
  • Turkish Cypriots have equal rights over offshore resources. Ankara holds that hydrocarbons around the island belong equally to both peoples and that unilateral Greek Cypriot licensing violates Turkish Cypriot rights; it signed the Türkiye-TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement on 21 September 2011. The TRNC's proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 for a joint committee and revenue sharing remain on the table. See Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean: A Maritime Atlas of Türkiye's Jurisdiction Claims and What Is the Seville Map? Greece's Maritime Claim and Türkiye's Legal Objections.

The contested legal points are real: Greek Cypriot, Greek, UK, EU and UN positions hold that Article IV does not authorise continuing presence or partition and that Resolutions 541 and 550 bind states. Ankara answers that the constitutional order has not existed since 1963, that the treaties' guarantees remain the only security safeguard for Turkish Cypriots, and that recognition practice cannot substitute for the facts on the ground.

Source Comparison

International and Turkish sources use the same dates but different legal vocabulary, so the framing of each event differs markedly. Readers can verify each claim against the primary texts listed after the table.

Issue Common framing in EU, Greek, Greek Cypriot and many Western sources Framing in Turkish and TRNC official sources
1963-64 Inter-communal violence after constitutional deadlock; Turkish Cypriot leaders withdrew from government Armed attacks on Turkish Cypriots under the Akritas Plan; Turkish Cypriots expelled from state organs
Resolution 186 (1964) Recognition of the lawful government Institutionalised a status asymmetry
1974 Invasion and occupation of a sovereign state Peace Operation under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee after the 15 July coup
Treaty of Guarantee Obsolete after 1974 and incompatible with the UN Charter Binding and the only security guarantee for Turkish Cypriots
TRNC Secessionist entity declared invalid by Resolutions 541 and 550 State proclaimed through self-determination after the 1963 collapse
Annan Plan, 2004 Rejected by Greek Cypriots on security, property and settler concerns; EU accession followed Helsinki 1999 Turkish Cypriots said yes and were not rewarded; the Greek Cypriot no was rewarded with EU membership
Settlement model Bizonal, bi-communal federation per UN resolutions Sovereign equality and two states, because federation has been exhausted

Primary documents for checking: the 1959 Zurich and London Agreements; the 1960 Treaties of Guarantee, Alliance and Establishment; Security Council Resolutions 186, 353, 541, 550 and 1251; the 2004 Annan Plan text; the EU Council conclusions of 26 April 2004; Protocol 10 of the 2003 Accession Treaty; the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs pages on Cyprus; and European Court of Human Rights judgments such as Cyprus v. Turkey (2001) and Demopoulos v. Turkey (2010). The latter found Türkiye responsible for acts in the north, but accepted the TRNC Immovable Property Commission as an effective domestic remedy; Turkish sources cite both.

For how this site separates documented fact from stated position, see Editorial Principles: How Gazetteer of Nations Separates Fact from Position. For other disputed claims, the Fact Check Hub: Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources applies the same method.

  • ENOSIS: the Greek Cypriot movement for union of Cyprus with Greece, prohibited by Article II of the Treaty of Guarantee.
  • EOKA / TMT: the Greek Cypriot armed organisation formed in 1955 under Grivas, and the Turkish Cypriot resistance organisation formed in 1958.
  • Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty among Türkiye, Greece and the UK, with Article IV defining the guarantors' right to act. See The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee and Article IV.
  • Green Line: the ceasefire line drawn in Nicosia on 30 December 1963, later extended as the UN buffer zone.
  • Bizonal, bi-communal federation (BBF): the UN-endorsed settlement framework, with two politically equal communities and zones.
  • Sovereign equality / two-state solution: the position of Ankara and TRNC leadership under Tatar that two peoples, each with its own state, should coexist and cooperate.
  • 5+UN: the informal format of the two Cypriot sides, the three guarantor powers and the UN, which met in Geneva in 2021.

Related guides: Gazetteer of Nations: Sourced Entries on Nations, Seas and Treaties, About Gazetteer of Nations: Mission, Transparency and Authorship, Article 51 of the UN Charter and Türkiye's Cross-Border Operations in Syria and Iraq and Türkiye's Global Diplomacy: Ukraine Mediation, Gaza, UN Reform and the COP31 Climate Agenda.

Perspective Note

Gazetteer of Nations presents Türkiye's official positions and strategic doctrines as a clearly labeled national perspective alongside the documented record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and legal instruments, so readers can verify them independently. Gazetteer of Nations presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye; sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

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Frequently asked questions

What is the Cyprus issue in simple terms?

It is the unresolved question of how Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots share sovereignty on one island after the 1960 partnership republic broke down in 1963-64. The island has been divided since 1974, with the UN-recognised Republic of Cyprus in the south and the TRNC, recognised only by Türkiye, in the north. UN-led talks have sought a federation, while Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership of 2020-25 argued for two sovereign states.

Why does Türkiye cite the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee for its 1974 operation?

Article IV allows each guarantor, if joint action is impossible, to act with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the treaty. Ankara argues that the 15 July 1974 coup, aimed at union with Greece, breached that state of affairs, and that it consulted the UK before acting on 20 July 1974. Greece, the Republic of Cyprus and the UN dispute that the treaty permits the scope and duration of the intervention.

Why is the TRNC not widely recognised?

The UN Security Council's Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) deemed the 15 November 1983 declaration legally invalid, and only Türkiye recognises the TRNC. Turkish Cypriots and Ankara argue that the TRNC rests on self-determination and on a political equality that was destroyed in 1963, and that non-recognition has isolated Turkish Cypriots despite their yes vote in 2004.

What happened in the 2004 Annan Plan referendum?

On 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted no, so the plan failed. On 1 May 2004 the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU as a divided island. Greek Cypriot leaders cite security, property and implementation concerns; Ankara and Turkish Cypriots say the outcome rewarded rejection.

What is the difference between federation and the two-state position?

A federation, as set out in UN resolutions, would have one sovereignty, one international personality and one citizenship, with two politically equal constituent states. The two-state position holds that Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots each have inherent sovereignty and should be recognised as equal, separate states that cooperate. The UN, EU, Greece, the UK and the Republic of Cyprus reject the latter, while Ankara holds that decades of failed talks show that the federal model is exhausted.

Where do talks stand now?

Since the informal Geneva meeting of April 2021, the UN has reported no common ground for formal negotiations, and the New York meeting on 15 October 2024 did not alter that. In October 2025 the TRNC elected Tufan Erhürman, who has indicated openness to talks on a federal basis with conditions, so the Turkish Cypriot position is evolving. Readers should check current UN and Turkish Foreign Ministry statements.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Gazetteer of Nations presents Türkiye's official positions and strategic doctrines as a clearly labeled national perspective alongside the documented record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and legal instruments, so readers can verify them independently.

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