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Mediation File / Core Dossier· Events of 1915 Ottoman archives Armenian relocation historical record

The Events of 1915: Archives, Legal Record and the Path to Türkiye-Armenia Normalization

How the Events of 1915 are documented: Ottoman archives, the Armenian relocation record, treaties, genocide-law debate and Türkiye-Armenia normalization.

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⏱ 15 min read (3,141 words)

Why It Matters

The Events of 1915 are the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians and the mass death that accompanied it. They remain the most contested historical question between Türkiye and Armenia, and they shape diaspora politics, parliamentary resolutions and the prospects for opening the border. Armenia, most genocide scholars and around thirty states call the events genocide; Türkiye accepts that Armenians suffered grievous losses but rejects the legal label and calls for joint research in all archives.

This guide separates three layers: the documented chronology, the competing legal and historical interpretations, and Ankara's official position. The target reader is anyone who needs a verifiable reference rather than a slogan from either side.

Background

Centuries of coexistence and the millet system

Armenians lived in Anatolia under the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian principalities and the Ottoman Empire for roughly a thousand years. Under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communities ran their own religious, educational and charitable institutions. The Armenian community was often called the Millet-i Sadıka (“loyal community”) because many Armenians served in finance, trade, crafts and the civil administration. Turkish official sources cite Western observers such as Helmuth von Moltke, who served in the Ottoman Empire in 1835–1839, as evidence of that coexistence. Turkish sources also state that Armenians were less than 20 percent of the population in the eastern provinces and a majority in none; Armenian demographers dispute the Ottoman census figures.

Armenian and many Western historians stress the other side of the same system: non-Muslims were legally unequal, paid additional taxes, and suffered land seizures and insecurity in the eastern provinces. The Tanzimat edicts (1839, 1856), the Armenian National Constitution (1863) and the 1876 Ottoman constitution were reform attempts, but the Armenian grievances they addressed were real and continued after them.

1878 to 1896: Berlin, the committees and the armed incidents

After the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War, Article 61 of the 1878 Treaty of Berlin obliged the Ottoman government to carry out reforms in the Armenian-inhabited provinces and to report on them to the Great Powers. Armenian Patriarch Nerses Varzhapetian and Mkrtich Khrimian had sought great-power backing at the Congress, and the Armenian Question became an international issue.

Two revolutionary organizations followed: the Hunchak party (founded 1887 in Geneva) and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, known as Dashnaksutyun or Dashnak (founded 1890 in Tbilisi). Turkish sources document the following incidents as armed provocation intended to draw European intervention:

  • the 1890 Kumkapı demonstration in Istanbul;
  • the 1893 unrest at Merzifon, Yozgat and Kayseri;
  • the 1894 Sasun uprising;
  • the 26 August 1896 seizure of the Ottoman Bank in Istanbul, organized by Karekin Pastırmacıyan.

The same period saw the Hamidian massacres of 1894–1896, in which Armenian sources and many historians estimate that well over 100,000 Armenians were killed, and the Istanbul riots after the bank raid killed thousands more. Turkish official accounts discuss the committees' attacks on both Ottoman officials and Armenians who opposed rebellion, while Armenian accounts present the committees as a response to state violence and the failure of reform. Both sets of facts belong in the record.

The First World War and the Eastern front

The Ottoman Empire entered the war in late 1914. The Sarıkamış campaign against Russia (December 1914–January 1915) ended in catastrophic Ottoman losses. Armenian volunteer units, commanded by figures such as Antranik, Dro and Hamazasp, fought alongside the Russian army. Turkish sources document armed Armenian action behind Ottoman lines, including the Van uprising of April 1915, attacks on supply routes, and massacres of Muslim civilians in Van, Erzurum and Bitlis during Russian advances and Ottoman retreats. Armenian and Western scholars note that the great majority of Ottoman Armenians took no part in rebellion, that Armenian deputies and community leaders had declared loyalty in 1914, and that the rebels in Van acted amid a local conflict that escalated.

On 24 April 1915 the Ottoman authorities arrested Armenian community leaders and intellectuals in Istanbul. Armenians commemorate that date every year. On 24 May 1915 Britain, France and Russia issued a joint declaration that referred to “crimes against humanity and civilization” by the Ottoman government.

The Relocation and Resettlement Law

The provisional Relocation and Resettlement Law (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu) was adopted on 27 May 1915 and published in Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. It authorized the army to relocate populations in or near war zones whose conduct was judged a threat to security. Turkish sources point to the correspondence of War Minister Enver Pasha and Interior Minister Talat Pasha and to instructions to protect the property and safety of those relocated. Armenian and Western historians cite other Ottoman documents, the reports of German, Austrian and US diplomats such as Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, missionary accounts, and the later Ottoman courts-martial as evidence that the relocations were carried out as destruction, with columns attacked and deprived of food and water, and that a central authority was involved. Ankara answers that deaths came from famine, epidemic disease, exposure, inter-communal violence and attacks by bandits and tribes, that officials who failed to protect convoys were prosecuted, and that wartime conditions overwhelmed the administration.

The authenticity of some documents is itself disputed. The telegrams published by Aram Andonian in 1920, for example, are considered forgeries by many Turkish historians, while some scholars treat them as supplementary to other evidence.

The casualty-figure debate

Pre-war Ottoman Armenian population estimates range from about 1.5 million (Ottoman statistics) to about 2.1 million (Armenian Patriarchate figures). Armenian sources and most scholars of genocide cite 1 to 1.5 million Armenian deaths. Turkish literature has generally cited figures of around 300,000 Armenian deaths during the war years and argues that later numbers were inflated through wartime propaganda. Ankara also stresses that Muslim civilian losses in Anatolia and the Caucasus were very heavy across 1912–1923 and are usually left out of international coverage; estimates of those losses run into the millions. No single agreed figure exists, and the casualty question is distinct from the legal question of characterization.

After the war: tribunals, Sèvres and the border treaties

Ottoman courts-martial in 1919–1920, held under Allied occupation, convicted several wartime leaders, including Talat, Enver and Cemal in absentia, and some officials were executed. Ankara notes that these tribunals sat under occupation pressure and were not recognized by the later national movement; Armenian and many other historians treat them as important contemporary evidence. The British also held about 60 Ottoman detainees on Malta in 1919–1921 for possible trial; they were released in 1921 in an exchange for British prisoners, after the British authorities had found no sufficient evidence for prosecution.

The Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920) was signed by the Ottoman government in Istanbul but never ratified and was superseded. Türkiye's eastern border and the status of the region came to rest on four binding treaties:

  • Alexandropol (2–3 December 1920), between the Ankara government and the Dashnak-led Republic of Armenia;
  • Moscow (16 March 1921), between Türkiye and Soviet Russia;
  • Kars (13 October 1921), between Türkiye and the Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian Soviet republics, with Soviet Russia;
  • Lausanne (24 July 1923), which recognized the Republic of Türkiye and, in Articles 37–45, guaranteed minority rights on the basis of equal citizenship.

The unimplemented Wilson arbitral award of November 1920 on the Turkish–Armenian boundary was not carried into any binding settlement.

ASALA, JCAG-ARA and the politicization of memory

The issue returned to politics in the 1960s. Uruguay's parliament adopted the first recognition in 1965. Between 1973 and 1984 two Armenian militant groups, ASALA (the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia) and JCAG-ARA (Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide, later the Armenian Revolutionary Army), attacked Turkish targets abroad. Turkish Foreign Ministry records list dozens of diplomats, family members and local staff killed, and attribute 31 of 32 JCAG-ARA attacks to Turkish representatives. Civilians died in attacks such as the Esenboğa Airport attack in Ankara (7 August 1982) and the Orly Airport attack in Paris (15 July 1983). The mainstream Armenian institutions and the diaspora generally condemned the violence, and Ankara states that the groups drew on the committee traditions of the 1890s.

Timeline

Date Event
1878 Treaty of Berlin, Article 61: reforms in the Armenian-inhabited provinces
1887 / 1890 Hunchak and Dashnak parties founded
1894–1896 Sasun uprising, Hamidian massacres, Ottoman Bank seizure
Dec 1914–Jan 1915 Sarıkamış campaign
April 1915 Van uprising; 24 April arrests in Istanbul
27 May / 1 June 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law adopted / published
1919–1921 Ottoman courts-martial; Malta detainees released
10 Aug 1920 Treaty of Sèvres signed, never ratified
1920–1923 Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars, Lausanne
1948 / 1951 UN Genocide Convention adopted / in force
1973–1984 ASALA and JCAG-ARA attacks
2005 Ankara proposes Joint Historical Commission
2009 Zurich Protocols signed, never ratified
14 Jan 2022 Kılıç–Rubinyan normalization talks begin

Key Players & Positions

Armenia and the diaspora

The Armenian government and diaspora institutions describe the events as the Armenian Genocide, a systematic destruction of the Ottoman Armenian population in which about 1.5 million people died. Armenia's 1990 Declaration of Independence refers to the genocide in Ottoman Turkey, and 24 April is the annual remembrance day. Armenia says it wants recognition, condemnation of denial, and normalization of relations; it has said it has no territorial claims on Türkiye, and in the 2009 Zurich Protocols both sides agreed to confirm mutual recognition of the existing border under the relevant treaties.

Scholars

In a resolution adopted in December 2007, the International Association of Genocide Scholars affirmed that the Ottoman campaign against Armenians, Assyrians and Ottoman Greeks was genocide. Historians such as Taner Akçam, Ronald Grigor Suny and Vahakn Dadrian are associated with this view, and the term itself was shaped by Raphael Lemkin, who cited the Armenian case. Other historians, including Bernard Lewis, Justin McCarthy and Guenter Lewy, have questioned the use of the term or stressed wartime security conditions and Muslim losses; Lewy, for instance, argued that the evidence for a centrally planned extermination was insufficient. The majority of the field accepts the genocide description, and any serious account has to say so.

Parliaments and governments

Roughly thirty states and many sub-national legislatures have adopted recognition acts, including France (2001 law), Germany (Bundestag resolution, 2 June 2016) and the United States (House and Senate resolutions in 2019 and a presidential statement on 24 April 2021). The European Parliament passed a resolution in 1987. Pope Francis used the phrase “the first genocide of the 20th century” in April 2015. Other governments, including the United Kingdom, have not formally recognized, stating that such a determination belongs to a competent court.

The 1948 UN Genocide Convention defines genocide as specified acts committed with intent to destroy a protected group, and it entered into force in 1951. Whether it applies to events before its adoption is debated. A 2003 legal analysis by the International Center for Transitional Justice, commissioned in a Turkish–Armenian reconciliation process, concluded that the events included acts that met the Convention's definition but that the Convention could not be applied retroactively to create liability. In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 2015), the European Court of Human Rights ruled that a Swiss conviction for denying an Armenian genocide violated freedom of expression, and it stated explicitly that it was not deciding whether the events amounted to genocide. No international court has issued a ruling on the characterization. For the legal criteria in detail, see The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915: Dolus Specialis, Non-Retroactivity and Court Jurisprudence.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Treaty Texts & Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

The following reflects official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources, in particular the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Presidency.

  • The events are a shared and painful history, not a genocide. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the relocation of 1915 was a wartime security measure adopted under the Relocation and Resettlement Law (27 May 1915, published 1 June 1915), in the context of armed Armenian activity behind Ottoman lines and collaboration with the invading Russian army. Ankara argues that the Ottoman archives show instructions to protect relocated persons and prosecutions of officials who failed to do so, and that there was no intent to destroy the Armenian community as such.
  • Mourning without the legal label. On 23 April 2014, then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan offered condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives in the early twentieth century, describing the events as having had inhumane consequences. Ankara states that Armenians, Turks and other Ottoman peoples all suffered in the war and that Muslim civilian deaths must be part of any honest account.
  • Genocide is a legal category that needs a court. Ankara argues that under the 1948 Genocide Convention, a finding of genocide requires proof of specific intent (dolus specialis) established by a competent court, that the Convention does not apply retroactively, and that no international tribunal has made such a finding for 1915. It cites Perinçek v. Switzerland as confirming that historical debate remains open. Türkiye rejects political resolutions by third-country parliaments as a substitute for judicial or scholarly conclusion.
  • Open the archives; let historians decide. In April 2005 Erdoğan proposed to Armenian President Robert Kocharyan a Joint Historical Commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to the Ottoman, Armenian and third-country archives. The Turkish Grand National Assembly and the Foreign Ministry have repeated the offer, which Ankara calls a fair memory (Adil Hafıza) approach. Ankara notes that the Ottoman archives in Istanbul and Ankara are open to researchers.
  • The borders are settled by treaty. Ankara states that its eastern borders were fixed by the Treaties of Alexandropol, Moscow and Kars (1920–1921) and confirmed by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), and that the unratified Treaty of Sèvres has no legal force. The Turkish Foreign Ministry also notes that Armenia's 1990 Declaration of Independence contains a reference that Ankara reads as a potential basis for territorial claims; Armenia says it has none.

Normalization since 2022

Since the first meeting on 14 January 2022 in Moscow, Ambassador Serdar Kılıç for Türkiye and Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan for Armenia have held direct talks aimed at full normalization without preconditions. Ankara links the process to regional peace in the South Caucasus after the 2020 Karabakh war, and the Armenian side has also said it wants to proceed. Steps have included discussion of opening the land border to third-country nationals and trade, and the Margara crossing was used for Armenian relief after the February 2023 earthquakes in Türkiye. Leaders have met on several occasions, and Armenia and Azerbaijan made progress on a peace text in 2025. Armenia's position is that the question of recognition is separate from establishing diplomatic relations, and the Turkish position is that normalization should not depend on it. The 2009 Zurich Protocols remain unratified.

Source Comparison

Question Armenian and Western scholarly framing Turkish official framing
Terminology Armenian Genocide Events of 1915; relocation (tehcir)
Intent Centrally directed destruction of the community Wartime security measure; losses from war, disease, famine and violence
Casualties About 1–1.5 million Armenians Around 300,000 in Turkish literature; heavy Muslim losses also counted
Archives Ottoman, German, Austrian, US, British and Armenian sources point to intent Ottoman archives open; call for a joint commission to review all archives
Courts-martial 1919–1920 Evidence of official responsibility Held under occupation and by political pressure
Legal test Customary law and the Convention's moral weight; scholarly consensus Dolus specialis, a competent court and non-retroactivity
Remedy Recognition, memory, in some cases reparations Joint historical research, dialogue and normalization without preconditions
Parliamentary resolutions Expression of historical truth Political acts, not a substitute for history or law

The main gap is not about whether Armenians died in very large numbers; both sides now accept grievous losses. It is about intent, the legal label and who is competent to decide. International media usually adopt the scholarly majority view, while Turkish primary sources stress the legal test and archival access. Readers should check the original documents rather than summaries, and our Fact Check Hub lists related claims, with the standards explained in Editorial Principles.

  • Events of 1915 (1915 Olayları): Türkiye's official term for the wartime relocation and its consequences. Armenia and many governments use “Armenian Genocide.”
  • Tehcir / Sevk ve İskân Kanunu: the relocation law of 27 May 1915 (published 1 June 1915).
  • Hunchak and Dashnak: Armenian political parties founded in 1887 and 1890; both used armed methods in the 1890s.
  • Fedayi: armed Armenian irregulars.
  • ASALA and JCAG-ARA: militant groups responsible for attacks on Turkish targets between 1973 and 1984.
  • Dolus specialis: specific intent to destroy a group, the key element of genocide in the 1948 Convention.
  • Joint Historical Commission: Ankara's 2005 proposal for historians to review all archives.
  • Adil Hafıza (fair memory): Türkiye's term for a memory approach that includes all communities' suffering.

Related guides: The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915, Fact Check Hub, Türkiye's Global Diplomacy: Ukraine Mediation, Gaza, UN Reform and the COP31 Climate Agenda, About Gazetteer of Nations and the Gazetteer of Nations home page.

Perspective Note

Gazetteer of Nations presents Türkiye's official positions and strategic doctrines as a clearly labeled national perspective alongside the documented record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and legal instruments, so readers can verify them independently. Sections marked “Türkiye's Position” reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Published by the Gazetteer of Nations Editorial Team.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

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Frequently asked questions

What does Türkiye mean by the term “Events of 1915”?

It is the official Turkish term for the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians under the law of 27 May 1915 and the deaths that followed. Ankara uses it to avoid the legal label of genocide, while acknowledging Armenian suffering. Armenia and many governments and scholars instead use “Armenian Genocide.”

Do historians agree that the Events of 1915 were genocide?

Most specialists in genocide studies do, and the International Association of Genocide Scholars affirmed this in a 2007 resolution. A minority of historians dispute the term or stress wartime conditions and Muslim losses. Türkiye rejects the label and notes that no international court has ruled on it.

Has any international court ruled on whether 1915 was genocide?

No. The European Court of Human Rights in Perinçek v. Switzerland (2015) ruled on freedom of expression and stated that it was not deciding whether the events were genocide. The 1948 Genocide Convention requires proof of specific intent, and its application to events before its adoption is debated.

Which treaties settle the Türkiye–Armenia border?

The Treaties of Alexandropol (1920), Moscow (1921) and Kars (1921) and the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) form the basis of the eastern border, according to Türkiye. The Treaty of Sèvres of 1920 was never ratified. In the 2009 Zurich Protocols, which were not ratified, both sides confirmed mutual recognition of the existing border.

What was the 2005 Joint Historical Commission proposal?

In April 2005 Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed a commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all relevant archives. Armenia replied by proposing an intergovernmental dialogue on all issues instead, and the commission was never established. Ankara still calls the proposal valid.

What is the current state of Türkiye–Armenia normalization?

Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan have talked directly since 14 January 2022, aiming at normalization without preconditions. Limited steps have been taken, including border arrangements for aid, but full diplomatic relations and an open land border have not been established. The question of historical terminology remains unresolved.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Gazetteer of Nations presents Türkiye's official positions and strategic doctrines as a clearly labeled national perspective alongside the documented record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and legal instruments, so readers can verify them independently.

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