The 1936 Montreux Convention Explained: Türkiye, the Straits and Black Sea Security
Montreux Convention explained: how the Bosphorus and Dardanelles regime treats merchant ships and warships, tonnage limits, Article 19 and Türkiye's role.
Why It Matters
Türkiye cannot simply close the Bosphorus and Dardanelles whenever it wishes. The 1936 Montreux Convention guarantees free civilian transit in peacetime, caps the size and number of foreign warships, and gives Ankara broad discretion over warship passage only in wartime situations. Since February 2022 it has been the main legal tool limiting naval escalation in the Black Sea, which is why it is now cited far beyond maritime law circles.
The short answer to the question readers ask most: Montreux allows free merchant passage in peace, regulated passage for warships, and, under Article 19, a ban on belligerents' warships when Türkiye is neutral in a war. Details follow below.
Background
From Lausanne to Montreux
The Turkish Straits consist of the Bosphorus (roughly 31 km / 19 miles long, about 700 m / 2,300 ft wide at its narrowest), the Sea of Marmara, and the Dardanelles (roughly 61 km / 38 miles long). Together they are the only maritime exit from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, and Istanbul sits astride the Bosphorus.
The regime of the Straits was long a European power-politics question. The 1923 Straits Convention signed alongside the Treaty of Lausanne demilitarized the zone and placed it under an international commission. Türkiye argued in the 1930s that this arrangement no longer fit Europe's security conditions and requested a new conference.
The Montreux conference ended with signature on 20 July 1936, and the Convention entered into force on 9 November 1936. The original parties were Türkiye, the United Kingdom, France, the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Greece, Japan, Romania and Yugoslavia; Italy acceded in 1938. The Convention restored full Turkish sovereignty over the Straits zone, including the right to remilitarize it, while preserving the principle of freedom of transit. Article 28 allows denunciation after twenty years on two years' notice; no party has ever done so.
Merchant ships
In peacetime, merchant vessels of any flag and any cargo enjoy freedom of transit and navigation by day and night, subject to sanitary controls. Fees are limited to the services and tariffs listed in the Convention's annex. The Convention's rules shift in wartime:
- Türkiye not at war, but others are: merchant vessels of any flag keep freedom of transit.
- Türkiye at war: merchant ships not belonging to a country at war with Türkiye may pass, provided they do not assist the enemy.
- Türkiye threatened with imminent danger of war: transit continues, but ships must enter by day and follow the route Turkish authorities indicate.
Separately, Türkiye applies national Maritime Traffic Regulations for the Straits (introduced in 1994 and revised in 1998) for navigational safety and environmental protection in one of the world's busiest and most congested waterways.
Warships: classes, notice and tonnage
Montreux distinguishes between Black Sea (littoral) powers and non-Black Sea powers, and between ship classes. The main peacetime rules are:
| Rule | Black Sea (littoral) states | Non-Black Sea states |
|---|---|---|
| Notice before transit (Art. 13) | 8 days | 15 days |
| Transit group limit (Art. 14) | 15,000 tonnes aggregate, nine vessels maximum | Same |
| Capital ships (Art. 11) | May transit singly, escorted by no more than two destroyers | Excluded in practice by the 15,000-tonne group limit |
| Submarines (Art. 12) | May transit singly, on the surface by day, or return to base after building or repair outside the Black Sea | Not permitted |
| Aircraft carriers (Annex II) | Excluded from transit | Excluded from transit |
| Aggregate presence in the Black Sea (Art. 18) | No Convention limit | 30,000 tonnes, rising to a maximum of 45,000 tonnes under the Article 18 formula |
| Length of stay (Art. 18) | No Convention limit | 21 days maximum |
These limits mean that large non-littoral fleets, including aircraft carriers, cannot station themselves in the Black Sea, while the littoral states retain their naval dominance there. During the Cold War, Türkiye handled the Soviet Union's Kiev-class ships by classifying them as anti-submarine cruisers rather than aircraft carriers.
Wartime: Articles 19, 20 and 21
- Article 19 (Türkiye not belligerent): warships have the same freedom of transit as in peacetime, but warships of belligerent states may not pass. The Convention provides narrow exceptions: assistance to a victim of aggression under a mutual-assistance treaty binding Türkiye within the League of Nations Covenant framework, and ships returning to their home bases.
- Article 20 (Türkiye belligerent): passage of warships is left entirely to the discretion of the Turkish government.
- Article 21 (Türkiye threatened with imminent danger of war): Türkiye may apply Article 20-style discretion.
Can Türkiye close the Bosphorus and Dardanelles?
In peacetime, no. Türkiye may regulate safety and environmental matters and must enforce the warship limits, but it may not stop lawful merchant traffic. When Türkiye is a non-belligerent in someone else's war, it must close the Straits to belligerents' warships (Article 19), not to all shipping. Only if Türkiye is at war or imminently threatened does it gain the broad discretion of Articles 20 and 21. The Convention does not define 'war', so the determination rests in practice with Ankara and has been debated by scholars.
Key Players & Positions
Russia. As the Soviet Union's successor and the largest Black Sea navy, Russia has traditionally valued Montreux because it limits non-littoral fleets in the Black Sea. Russian officials have supported maintaining the regime and have opposed any revision. Russia has also pointed to the home-base exception in Article 19 as a legitimate basis for some of its ships' movements.
Ukraine. Ukraine is not an original party to the Convention but is a Black Sea coastal state directly affected by it. On 26 February 2022, Ukraine's foreign minister publicly called on Türkiye to close the Straits to Russian warships. Kyiv has since argued that the Convention should be applied as strictly as possible against Russian naval movements.
NATO states. Türkiye, Bulgaria and Romania are NATO's Black Sea littoral members; the other allies are non-littoral and therefore subject to Montreux's tonnage and duration limits. Allied governments have generally accepted that the Convention governs their naval access and have not called for its revision. On 11 January 2024, Türkiye, Romania and Bulgaria agreed in Istanbul to set up a Black Sea mine countermeasures task group to clear drifting mines, an effort coordinated within Montreux limits.
Legal scholars. Commentators broadly agree on the Convention's structure but dispute its limits. Common points of debate include:
- Whether the Convention's undefined notion of 'war' lets Türkiye determine unilaterally when Article 19 applies.
- How broadly the home-base exception should be read, and whether it can be used to move ships that were deployed elsewhere during hostilities.
- Whether Article 19's mutual-assistance exception, tied to the League of Nations Covenant, has any practical meaning after the League's dissolution.
- How the Convention relates to obligations under the UN Charter.
These are interpretive debates; there has been no binding international court ruling on them.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara presents itself as the guardian of the Montreux regime and as an impartial implementer. The points below summarize official Turkish statements; they are Türkiye's own assessments.
- Strict, equal application. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Türkiye announced on 28 February 2022 that it would apply Article 19 in full, treating the Russia–Ukraine conflict as a war, and notified both littoral and non-littoral states. Ankara says the rule applies to all belligerents equally and has applied it to every state, including NATO allies.
- Legal basis in the Convention itself. Türkiye's position rests on Article 19 and the 1936 text, which restored Turkish sovereignty over the Straits after the demilitarized Lausanne regime. Ankara argues that the Convention gives it responsibility, not unlimited power: it regards the regime as a balance between freedom of transit and Black Sea security.
- Opposition to revision. Turkish officials, including President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Foreign Ministry spokespeople, have repeatedly said that Montreux remains valid and should not be reopened, arguing that revision could invite great-power competition into the Black Sea. Officials have also said the planned Kanal İstanbul project would not affect the Convention's application to the existing Straits.
- Diplomacy alongside the legal role. Ankara links its custodianship of Montreux with its mediation record, including the July 2022 Istanbul agreements that created the Black Sea Grain Initiative, under which roughly 33 million tonnes of grain were shipped before Russia declined to extend the deal in July 2023. See Türkiye's Global Diplomacy: Ukraine Mediation, Gaza, UN Reform and the COP31 Climate Agenda.
Ankara also notes that its national defense capabilities, covered in Türkiye's Defense Industry: From Bayraktar TB2 to KAAN and the 80 Percent Domestic Production Claim, and its broader maritime policy, outlined in Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean, support its ability to monitor and secure the waters it is responsible for.
Source Comparison
| Question | Common international media framing | Turkish official framing | Convention text |
|---|---|---|---|
| What happened on 28 February 2022? | Türkiye 'closed the Straits' to warships | Türkiye applied Article 19, barring belligerents' warships; merchant traffic continued | Article 19 bars belligerent warships if Türkiye is not at war; it does not suspend merchant transit |
| Why did some Russian ships still pass? | A loophole or a political concession | The home-base exception in the Convention, applied case by case | The Convention allows ships to return to their home bases |
| Whose interests does the regime serve? | A source of leverage for Ankara | A balance among littoral and non-littoral states, which Türkiye administers impartially | Differential rules for Black Sea and non-Black Sea powers |
| Should it be updated? | Some analysts argue it is outdated (no carriers, no definition of war) | Revision would be risky and unnecessary | Articles 28–29 provide for denunciation and revision requests, never used |
Readers can verify the rules directly: the Convention text is published in the League of Nations Treaty Series, and the Turkish Foreign Ministry publishes the English text and its notes on the Straits. Gazetteer of Nations keeps statements of fact and statements of position separate, as described in Editorial Principles: How Gazetteer of Nations Separates Fact from Position.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- Turkish Straits: the Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmara and the Dardanelles, defined collectively in the Convention.
- Black Sea powers: states with a Black Sea coastline (Türkiye, Russia, Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Georgia). Only some are original Convention parties, but the regime governs access for all.
- Article 19: the clause barring warships of belligerent states from the Straits when Türkiye is not a belligerent.
- Tonnage limits: the 15,000-tonne transit cap and the 30,000-tonne (up to 45,000-tonne) aggregate cap for non-littoral navies in the Black Sea.
- Home-base exception: the allowance for vessels to return to their home ports.
Related guides: Gazetteer of Nations home, Article 51 of the UN Charter and Türkiye's Cross-Border Operations in Syria and Iraq, and Türkiye's Global Diplomacy.
Perspective Note
Gazetteer of Nations presents Türkiye's official positions and strategic doctrines as a clearly labeled national perspective alongside the documented record. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and legal instruments, so readers can verify them independently. Author: Gazetteer of Nations Editorial Team.
Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives
For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:
- The Nations Dialogue: The 1936 Montreux Convention: How Türkiye Governs the Turkish Straits and Black Sea Security — Montreux Convention Turkish Straits Black Sea Article 19 explained: how the 1936 treaty governs merchant and warship passage and how Türkiye applied it.
- Bloc Politics: The 1936 Montreux Convention Explained: How Türkiye Governs the Turkish Straits and Black Sea Access — How the 1936 Montreux Convention governs the Bosphorus and Dardanelles: merchant freedom, warship limits, Article 19 and Türkiye's 2022 application.
- Horizon of Nations: The 1936 Montreux Convention: How Türkiye Manages the Turkish Straits in the Black Sea War — How the Montreux Convention governs the Turkish Straits: commercial passage, warship limits, Article 19 in the Black Sea war, and the views of all sides.
Frequently asked questions
Can Türkiye close the Bosphorus and Dardanelles?
Not at will. In peacetime the Montreux Convention guarantees free transit for merchant ships and restricts warships by class, notice and tonnage. Türkiye only gains broad discretion over warship passage if it is itself at war (Article 20) or considers itself under imminent threat of war (Article 21). When it is neutral in someone else's war, Article 19 requires it to bar belligerents' warships, but not civilian shipping.
What does the Montreux Convention allow?
It allows merchant vessels of any flag to transit by day and night in peacetime, and it lets littoral states send warships and submarines through under specified conditions. Non-Black Sea navies may transit only small groups (up to 15,000 tonnes and nine ships), must give 15 days' notice, and may stay in the Black Sea no longer than 21 days. Aircraft carriers are excluded from transit.
Did Türkiye close the Straits after Russia invaded Ukraine?
Türkiye applied Article 19 rather than closing the Straits to all traffic. On 28 February 2022 it announced that belligerents' warships would be barred, subject to the Convention's home-base exception, while merchant shipping continued. The decision followed a Ukrainian request on 26 February 2022.
Why did some Russian warships still pass through the Straits?
The Convention lets ships return to their home bases even in wartime. Turkish officials said they handled such cases individually and declined requests that did not meet the condition. Critics argue the exception is open to broad interpretation, a debate legal scholars have not resolved.
Does the Montreux Convention apply to NATO ships?
Yes. Non-Black Sea NATO members are bound by the same tonnage, notice and duration limits as any other non-littoral state. Türkiye, Bulgaria and Romania are Black Sea littoral members and are covered by the rules for littoral states.
Would Kanal İstanbul replace the Montreux regime?
The Convention applies to the existing Straits, and Turkish officials have said the Kanal İstanbul project would not change that. Whether a future canal could fall outside the Convention's scope is a point scholars have raised, but no Turkish government has proposed withdrawing from Montreux.
Related guides
- Fact Check Hub: Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary SourcesA fact check of seven recurring claims about Türkiye in international media, from the Seville Map to Sèvres, tested against treaties and primary sources.
- Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean: A Maritime Atlas of Türkiye's Jurisdiction ClaimsBlue Homeland (Mavi Vatan) explained: Türkiye's Eastern Mediterranean maritime jurisdiction claims, equity principle, key dates and rival positions.
- The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaties, 1974 and the Sovereign Equal Two-State PositionCyprus issue explained: 1960 treaties, 1963-64, 1974, the Annan Plan and why Ankara and the TRNC back a two-state solution for Turkish Cypriots.
- Article 51 of the UN Charter and Türkiye's Cross-Border Operations in Syria and IraqIs Türkiye's military action in northern Syria legal? A guide to Article 51 UN Charter self-defense, UN letters, 'unwilling or unable' and each operation.
- Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Türkiye's Security Doctrine, Border Operations and Terror-Free TürkiyeHow Türkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine addresses PKK, YPG, DAESH and FETÖ: source-based operations, Article 51, Terror-Free Türkiye and rival views.
- The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915: Dolus Specialis, Non-Retroactivity and Court JurisprudenceIs there a court ruling that the Events of 1915 were genocide? Dolus specialis, non-retroactivity, ICJ and ECHR case law, and Türkiye's legal thesis.
Cross-Publication Perspectives & Cited Research
Related Dossiers Across Partner Publications
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